当前位置:黑龙江地方站首页 > 龙江新闻 > 正文

福州医科大学打胎好不好费用多少天涯频道福州博爱医院治不孕不育很贵吗

2019年11月17日 10:22:53    日报  参与评论()人

福州博爱医院治不孕症专业吗福州婚检最好的三甲医院Fellow-Citizens of the ed States:in compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself,按照一个和我们的政府一样古老的习惯,I appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed我现在来到诸位的面前,简单地讲几句话,并在你们的面前,by the Constitution of the ed States to be taken by the President ;before he enters on the execution of this office.;遵照合众国宪法规定一个总统在他“到职视事之前”必须宣誓的仪式,在大家面前宣誓。I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement.我认为没有必要在这里来讨论并不特别令人忧虑和不安的行政方面的问题。Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration在南方各州人民中似乎存在着一种恐惧心理。他们认为,随着共和党政府的执政,their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered.他们的财产,他们的和平生活和人身安全都将遭到危险。There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension.这种恐惧是从来没有任何事实根据的。Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection.说实在的,大量相反的据倒是一直存在,并随时可以供他们检查的。It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you.那种据几乎在现在对你们讲话的这个人公开发表的每一篇演说中都能找到。I do but e from one of those speeches when I declare that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly,这里我只想引用其中的一篇,在那篇演说中我曾说,“我完全无意,to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.对已经存在奴隶制的各州的这一制度,进行直接或间接的干涉。I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.我深信我根本没有合法权利那样做,而且我无此意图。Those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them;”那些提名我并选举我的人都完全知道,我曾明确这么讲过,并且还讲过许多类似的话,而且从来也没有收回过我已讲过的这些话。and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now :不仅如此,他们还在纲领中,写进了对他们和对我来说,都具有法律效力的一项清楚明白、不容含糊的决议让我接受,这里我来对大家谈谈这一决议:Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions决议,保持各州的各种权利不受侵犯,特别是各州完全凭自己的决断来安排和控制本州内部各种制度的权利不受侵犯,according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend;乃是我们的政治结构赖以完善和得以持久的权力均衡的至为重要的因素;and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.我们谴责使用武装力量非法入侵任何一个州或准州的土地,这种入侵不论使用什么借口,都是最严重的罪行。”I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace,我现在重申这些观点:而在这样做的时候,我只想提请公众注意,最能对这一点提出确切据的那就是全国任何一个地方的财产、and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming Administration.和平生活和人身安全决不会在任何情况下,由于即将上任的政府而遭到危险。I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded,这里我还要补充说,各州只要符合宪法和法律规定,合法地提出保护要求,政府便一定会乐于给予保护,for whatever cause—as cheerfully to one section as to another.不管是出于什么原因一一而且对任何一个地方都一视同仁。There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor.有一个争论得很多的问题是,关于逃避务或引渡从劳役中逃走的人的问题。The clause I now is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:我现在要宣读的条文,也和任何有关其它问题的条款一样,明明白白写在宪法之中:No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another,“凡根据一个州的法律应在该州于务或从事劳役的人,如逃到另一州,shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor,一律不得按照这一州的法律或条例,使其解除该项务或劳役,02/433909福建妇幼保健院检查卵巢多少钱 Ted Kennedy1980 Democratic National Convention Address delivered 12 August 1980, New York, NY[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]Thanks very much, Barbara Mikulski, for your very eloquent, your eloquent introduction. Distinguished legislator, great spokeswoman for economic democracy and social justice in this country, I thank you for your eloquent introduction.Well, things worked out a little different from the way I thought, but let me tell you, I still love New York.My fellow Democrats and my fellow Americans, I have come here tonight not to argue as a candidate but to affirm a cause.I'm asking you -- I am asking you to renew the commitment of the Democratic Party to economic justice.I am asking you to renew our commitment to a fair and lasting prosperity that can put America back to work.This is the cause that brought me into the campaign and that sustained me for nine months across a 100,000 miles in 40 different states. We had our losses, but the pain of our defeats is far, far less than the pain of the people that I have met.We have learned that it is important to take issues seriously, but never to take ourselves too seriously.The serious issue before us tonight is the cause for which the Democratic Party has stood in its finest hours, the cause that keeps our Party young and makes it, in the second century of its age, the largest political Party in this republic and the longest lasting political Party on this planet.Our cause has been, since the days of Thomas Jefferson, the cause of the common man and the common woman.Our commitment has been, since the days of Andrew Jackson, to all those he called "the humble members of society -- the farmers, mechanics, and laborers." On this foundation we have defined our values, refined our policies, and refreshed our faith.Now I take the unusual step of carrying the cause and the commitment of my campaign personally to our national convention. I speak out of a deep sense of urgency about the anguish and anxiety I have seen across America.I speak out of a deep belief in the ideals of the Democratic Party, and in the potential of that Party and of a President to make a difference. And I speak out of a deep trust in our capacity to proceed with boldness and a common vision that will feel and heal the suffering of our time and the divisions of our Party.The economic plank of this platform on its face concerns only material things, but it is also a moral issue that I raise tonight. It has taken many forms over many years. In this campaign and in this country that we seek to lead, the challenge in 1980 is to give our voice and our vote for these fundamental democratic principles.Let us pledge that we will never misuse unemployment, high interest rates, and human misery as false weapons against inflation.Let us pledge that employment will be the first priority of our economic policy.Let us pledge that there will be security for all those who are now at work, and let us pledge that there will be jobs for all who are out of work; and we will not compromise on the issues of jobs.These are not simplistic pledges. Simply put, they are the heart of our tradition, and they have been the soul of our Party across the generations. It is the glory and the greatness of our tradition to speak for those who have no voice, to remember those who are forgotten, to respond to the frustrations and fulfill the aspirations of all Americans seeking a better life in a better land.We dare not forsake that tradition. We cannot let the great purposes of the Democratic Party become the bygone passages of history.We must not permit the Republicans to seize and run on the slogans of prosperity. We heard the orators at their convention all trying to talk like Democrats. They proved that even Republican nominees can e Franklin Roosevelt to their own purpose.The Grand Old Party thinks it has found a great new trick, but 40 years ago an earlier generation of Republicans attempted the same trick. And Franklin Roosevelt himself replied, "Most Republican leaders have bitterly fought and blocked the forward surge of average men and women in their pursuit of happiness. Let us not be deluded that overnight those leaders have suddenly become the friends of average men and women.""You know," he continued, "very few of us are that gullible." And four years later when the Republicans tried that trick again, Franklin Roosevelt asked, "Can the Old Guard pass itself off as the New Deal? I think not. We have all seen many marvelous stunts in the circus, but no performing elephant could turn a handspring without falling flat on its back."The 1980 Republican convention was awash with crocodile tears for our economic distress, but it is by their long record and not their recent words that you shall know them.The same Republicans who are talking about the crisis of unemployment have nominated a man who once said, and I e, "Unemployment insurance is a prepaid vacation plan for freeloaders." And that nominee is no friend of labor.The same Republicans who are talking about the problems of the inner cities have nominated a man who said, and I e, "I have included in my morning and evening prayers every day the prayer that the Federal Government not bail out New York." And that nominee is no friend of this city and our great urban centers across this nation.The same Republicans who are talking about security for the elderly have nominated a man who said just four years ago that "Participation in social security should be made voluntary." And that nominee is no friend of the senior citizens of this nation.The same Republicans who are talking about preserving the environment have nominated a man who last year made the preposterous statement, and I e, "Eighty percent of our air pollution comes from plants and trees." And that nominee is no friend of the environment.And the same Republicans who are invoking Franklin Roosevelt have nominated a man who said in 1976, and these are his exact words, "Fascism was really the basis of the New Deal." And that nominee whose name is Ronald Reagan has no right to e Franklin Delano Roosevelt.The great adventures which our opponents offer is a voyage into the past. Progress is our heritage, not theirs. What is right for us as Democrats is also the right way for Democrats to win.The commitment I seek is not to outworn views but to old values that will never wear out. Programs may sometimes become obsolete, but the ideal of fairness always endures. Circumstances may change, but the work of compassion must continue. It is surely correct that we cannot solve problems by throwing money at them, but it is also correct that we dare not throw out our national problems onto a scrap heap of inattention and indifference. The poor may be out of political fashion, but they are not without human needs. The middle class may be angry, but they have not lost the dream that all Americans can advance together.The demand of our people in 1980 is not for smaller government or bigger government but for better government. Some say that government is always bad and that spending for basic social programs is the root of our economic evils. But we reply: The present inflation and recession cost our economy 200 billion dollars a year. We reply: Inflation and unemployment are the biggest spenders of all.The task of leadership in 1980 is not to parade scapegoats or to seek refuge in reaction, but to match our power to the possibilities of progress. While others talked of free enterprise, it was the Democratic Party that acted and we ended excessive regulation in the airline and trucking industry, and we restored competition to the marketplace. And I take some satisfaction that this deregulation legislation that I sponsored and passed in the Congress of the ed States.As Democrats we recognize that each generation of Americans has a rendezvous with a different reality. The answers of one generation become the questions of the next generation. But there is a guiding star in the American firmament. It is as old as the revolutionary belief that all people are created equal, and as clear as the contemporary condition of Liberty City and the South Bronx. Again and again Democratic leaders have followed that star and they have given new meaning to the old values of liberty and justice for all. We are the Party -- We are the Party of the New Freedom, the New Deal, and the New Frontier. We have always been the Party of hope. So this year let us offer new hope, new hope to an America uncertain about the present, but unsurpassed in its potential for the future.To all those who are idle in the cities and industries of America let us provide new hope for the dignity of useful work. Democrats have always believed that a basic civil right of all Americans is that their right to earn their own way. The Party of the people must always be the Party of full employment.To all those who doubt the future of our economy, let us provide new hope for the reindustrialization of America. And let our vision reach beyond the next election or the next year to a new generation of prosperity. If we could rebuild Germany and Japan after World War II, then surely we can reindustrialize our own nation and revive our inner cities in the 1980's.200806/41543In the Americas its impact has been irresistible.民主在美洲一直有着不可抗拒的影响。America has been the New World in all tongues, to all peoples, not because this continent was a new-found land,美国历来是操不同语言的各国人民心中的新世界,这倒不是因为它是一片新发现的大陆but because all those who came here believed they could create upon this continent a new life—a life that should be new in freedom.而是因为所有来到这里的人都相信,他们能够在这片大陆上创造出新的生活——而且应当是自由的新生活。Its vitality was written into our own Mayflower Compact, into the Declaration of Independence,民主的生命力被记载在我们自己的五月花号公约中,被记载在独立宣言、into the Constitution of the ed States, into the Gettysburg Address.合众国宪法和盖茨堡演说中。Those who first came here to carry out the longings of their spirit, and the millions who followed, and the stock that sprang from them那些最先来到这里实现他们精神上的热望的人们、那些成千上万的后继者,以及这些人的子孙后代all have moved forward constantly and consistently toward an ideal which in itself has gained stature and clarity with each generation.在坚定不移地、始终如一地奔向一个理想,而这个理想在每一代人中逐渐成长和明确起来。The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or self-serving wealth.为了实现共和国的希望,既不能永无休止地容忍不该有的贫穷,也不能永无休止地容忍自私自利的财富。We know that we still have far to go; that we must more greatly build the security and the opportunity and the knowledge of every citizen,我们知道,我们还要上很长的一段路;我们必须根批国家资源和能力的条件,为每一个公民创造出更大的安全in the measure justified by the resources and the capacity of the land.更好的机会和更多的知识。But it is not enough to achieve these purposes alone.但是,仅仅达到这些目的是不够的。It is not enough to clothe and feed the body of this Nation, and instruct and inform its mind.使这个国家有衣穿和有饭吃是不够的,使它得到教诲和知识也是不够的。For there is also the spirit. And of the three, the greatest is the spirit.因为它还有精神。在身体、脑袋和精神三者中间,精神是最重要的。Without the body and the mind, as all men know, the Nation could not live.所有人都知道,没有身体和脑袋,这个国家就不能生存。But if the spirit of America were killed, even though the Nations body and mind, constricted in an alien world, lived on, the America we know would have perished.但是,如果美国精神遭到扼杀,我们所知道的美国就会灭亡,即使它的身体和脑袋蜷缩到完全不同的世界中依然生存。That spirit—that faith—speaks to us in our daily lives in ways often unnoticed, because they seem so obvious.那种精神——那种信念——在我们的日常生活中对我们说话。但它说话的方式常常不被注意,因为似乎太司空见惯了。02/439532福州博爱医院看多囊多少钱

福州卵泡检查多少钱Fellow-Countrymen: at this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office同胞们:在第二次宣誓就职总统的时候,there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first.我不必像第一次那样作长篇的演讲了。Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and proper.第一次就职典礼上,较为详尽地叙述我们要采取的方针和道路,看来是合适与恰当的。Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest现在,在我的四年任期结束之时,有关这场至今仍为举国瞩目与致力的大斗争的每个方面,which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented.时时有公开的宣告,因此没有新的内容向各位奉告了。The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, 我们的一切都依靠武装力量,这方面的进展,大家知道得和我一样清楚,and it is, I trust,reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all.我相信大家对此颇感满意和鼓舞。With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is ventured.我们对未来抱有很大希望,在军事方面就无庸多作预测。On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war.四年前我初次就职之际,全国思虑都集中在即将爆发的内战之上。All ded it, all sought to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place,大家对内战都怀有恐惧,都设法避免这场内战的发生。当时我在这个讲坛上发表的就职演说,devoted altogether to saving the Union without war,全部内容就是为了不战而拯救联邦。urgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war—seeking to dissolve the Union and divide effects by negotiation.当时城里的叛逆分子却企图不用战争而摧毁联邦,企图通过谈判来瓦解联邦,瓜分国家所有。Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive,双方都反对战争,但其中一方却宁愿战争也不愿联邦毁灭,and the other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the war came.于是内战爆发。One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it.我国黑奴占人口八分之一,他们不是普遍分布于全国各地,而是集中在南部。These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war.这些黑奴,构成一种特殊而重要的利益。尽人皆知,这种利益迟早会成为战争的起因。To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war,叛逆分子不惜发动战争分裂联邦,以达到增大、扩展这种利益、使之永存的目的,while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it.政府却除去要求将奴隶制限于原来区域,不使扩大之外,不要求其他任何权利,Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has aly attained.双方都不曾预料到战争会有这样大的规模,持续这样久,Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with or even before the conflict itself should cease.不曾预料到引起冲突的原因在冲突停止前会消失,Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding.双方都寻求轻而易举的胜利,不求彻底或惊人的结果。Both the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other.双方信奉同一宗教。敬拜同一上帝,都诉求上帝帮助战胜对方。It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just Gods assistance in wringing their b from the sweat of other mens faces,说来奇怪,竟有人敢于要求公正的上帝帮助自己去榨取别人的血汗;but let us judge not, that we be not judged.但我们不要去品评他人吧,The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully.以免受到别人的。双方的祈求都不应得到满足,也没有任何一方得到完全的满足,02/433911福州市备孕体检那家好 THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This Thursday, Laura and I returned from an inspiring visit to Africa. In Benin and Tanzania, we met leaders who are fighting HIV/AIDS and malaria -- and people whose lives have been saved by the generosity of the American people. In Rwanda, we saw a nation overcoming the pain of genocide with courage and grace and hope. In Ghana, we met entrepreneurs who are exporting their products and building a more prosperous future. And in Liberia, we saw a nation that is recovering from civil war, led by the first democratically elected woman President on the continent. Laura and I returned to Washington impressed by the energy, optimism, and potential of the African people. Members of Congress will soon be returning to Washington, as well, and they have urgent business to attend to. They left town on a 10-day recess without passing vital legislation giving our intelligence professionals the tools they need to quickly and effectively monitor foreign terrorist communications. Congress' failure to pass this legislation was irresponsible. It will leave our Nation increasingly vulnerable to attack. And Congress must fix this damage to our national security immediately. The way ahead is clear. The Senate has aly passed a good bill by an overwhelming bipartisan majority. This bill has strong bipartisan support in the House of Representatives, and would pass if given an up or down vote. But House leaders are blocking this legislation, and the reason can be summed up in three words: class action lawsuits. The Senate bill would prevent plaintiffs' attorneys from suing companies believed to have helped defend America after the 9/11 attacks. More than 40 of these lawsuits have been filed, seeking hundreds of billions of dollars in damages from these companies. It is unfair and unjust to threaten these companies with financial ruin only because they are believed to have done the right thing and helped their country. But the highest cost of all is to our national security. Without protection from lawsuits, private companies will be increasingly unwilling to take the risk of helping us with vital intelligence activities. After the Congress failed to act last week, one telecommunications company executive was asked by the Wall Street Journal how his company would respond to a request for help. He answered that because of the threat of lawsuits, e, "I'm not doing it ...I'm not going to do something voluntarily." In other words, the House's refusal to act is undermining our ability to get cooperation from private companies. And that undermines our efforts to protect us from terrorist attack. Director of National Intelligence Mike McConnell recently explained that the vast majority of the communications infrastructure we rely on in the ed States is owned and operated by the private sector. Because of the failure to provide liability protection, he says private companies who have "willingly helped us in the past, are now saying, 'You can't protect me. Why should I help you?'" Senator Jay Rockefeller, the Democratic Chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee, puts it this way: "The fact is, if we lose cooperation from these or other private companies, our national security will suffer." When Congress reconvenes on Monday, Members of the House have a choice to make: They can empower the trial bar -- or they can empower the intelligence community. They can help class action trial lawyers sue for billions of dollars -- or they can help our intelligence officials protect millions of lives. They can put our national security in the hands of plaintiffs' lawyers -- or they can entrust it to the men and women of our government who work day and night to keep us safe. As they make their choice, Members of Congress must never forget: Somewhere in the world, at this very moment, terrorists are planning the next attack on America. And to protect America from such attacks, we must protect our telecommunications companies from abusive lawsuits. Thank you for listening. 200806/40924福州女性输卵管修复费用

永泰县做造影哪个医院最好Richard M. NixonResignationAddressdelivered8 August1974AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED:Textversion belowtranscribeddirectlyfromaudioGood evening:This is the 37th time I have spoken toyou fromthis office, where so many decisions havebeen madethat shape the history of this nation. Eachtime Ihave done soto discuss with yousome matter that I believe affected the nationalinterest. In allthe decisions Ihave madeinmy public life I have always tried to do what was best for the nation.Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate,Ihave felt it was my duty to perseveretomake every possible effortto complete the term of office to whichyou elected me. Inthepastfew days, however, it has become evidentto me thatIno longer have a strong enoughpolitical base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort. Aslong as there was such abase, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process throughto itsconclusion. thatto do otherwise would be unfaithfultothe spirit of that deliberately difficultprocess, and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future. But withthe disappearanceof that base,Inow believe thatthe constitutional purpose has been served. And there is nolonger a need for the process to be prolonged.I would have preferred to carry throughtothe finish whatever the personal agony it wouldhave involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so. Butthe interests of the nationmust always come before any personal considerations.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page1AmericanRhetoric.comFrom the discussions Ihave had with Congressional and other leaders I have concluded thatbecause of the Watergate matter Imightnothave the support of the Congress that I wouldconsider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry outthe duties of this office inthe way the interests of the nation will require.I have never been a quitter.To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinctin my body.But asPresident, I must put the interests of America first.America needs a fulltimePresident and a fulltimeCongress, particularly at this time withproblems we face athome and abroad. Tocontinue tofightthrough the months aheadfor mypersonal vindication would almosttotally absorb the time and attention of both the Presidentand the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be onthe greatissues of peaceabroad and prosperity without inflation at home.Therefore, I shallresign the Presidency effective atnoontomorrow.Vice President Ford will be swornin as President atthathour in this office.AsI recallthe highhopes for America with which we began this second term, I feel a greatsadness thatI willnot be here inthis office working on your behalf to achieve those hopes inthe next two and a half years. But in turning over direction of the Governmentto VicePresident Ford Iknow, as Itold the nation when Inominated him for that office ten monthsago, thatthe leadership of America would be in good hands.In passing this office tothe Vice President, I also do so with the profound sense of the weightof responsibility that will fall onhis shoulders tomorrow, and therefore of the understanding,the patience, the cooperationhe willneed from allAmericans. As he assumes thatresponsibility he will deserve the help and the support of all of us. As we look tothe future,the first essential is to beginhealing the wounds of this nation. To put the bitterness anddivisions of the recent past behind us and to rediscover those sharedideals that lie attheheart of our strength and unity as a great and as a free people.Bytaking this action, Ihope that I will have hastened the start of that process of healingwhichis so desperately needed in America. Iregret deeply any injuries that may have beendone inthe course of the events that led to this decision. I would say only thatif some of myjudgments were wrong andsome were wrong theywere made in what I believed atthetime to be the best interests of the nation.To those whohave stood withme during thesepast difficult months, to my family, my friends,the many others who joined in supporting my cause because they believed it was right, I willbe eternally grateful for your support. And tothose whohave not felt able to give me yoursupport, letme say Ileave withno bitterness toward those whohave opposed me, because allof us in the final analysis have beenconcerned withthe good of the country, however ourjudgments might differ.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page2AmericanRhetoric.comSo letus allnow join together in affirming thatcommon commitment and in helping our newPresident succeed for the benefit of allAmericans. Ishall leave this office with regret atnotcompleting my term but with gratitude for the privilege of serving as your President for thepastfive and a half years. These years have been a momentous time in the history of ournation and the world. They have been a time ofachievementin which we can all be proud,achievements that represent the shared efforts of the administration, the Congress and thepeople. Butthe challenges ahead are equally great. And they, too, will require the support andthe efforts of the Congress and the people, working in cooperation withthe newAdministration.We have endedAmericas longest war. But in the work of securing a lasting peace in theworld, the goals ahead are even more farreachingand more difficult. We must complete astructure of peace,so that it will be said of this generation ourgeneration of Americans bythe people of allnations, not only that we ended one war but that we prevented futurewars.We have unlocked the doors that for a quarter of a century stood betweenthe ed Statesand the Peoples Republic of China.We must now insure thatthe onequarterof the worldspeople who live in the Peoples Republic of China will be and remain, not our enemies, but ourfriends.Inthe Middle East, 100million people in the Arab countries, many of whom have consideredus their enemy for nearly 20 years, nowlook on us as their friends.We must continue to buildon that friendship sothat peace can settle atlast over the Middle East and sothat the cradleof civilization willnot become its grave. Together with the Soviet Union we have made thecrucial breakthroughs thathave begunthe process of limiting nuclear arms. But, we must setas our goal, not just limiting, but reducing and finally destroying these terrible weapons, sothatthey cannot destroy civilization. And so that the threat of nuclear war willnolonger hangover the world and the people.We have opened a new relation with the Soviet Union. Wemustcontinue to develop and expand that new relationship, sothat the two strongest nationsof the world willlive together in cooperation rather than confrontation.Around the world inAsia,in Africa,in Latin America, in the Middle Eastthereare millionsof people who live in terrible poverty, even starvation. We mustkeep as our goal turning awayfrom production for war and expanding production for peace so that people everywhere onthis earthcan at lastlook forward, in their childrens time, if not in our owntime, to havingthe necessities for a decentlife. Here, in America, we are fortunate that most of our peoplehave not only the blessings of liberty but alsothe means tolive full and good, and by theworlds standards even abundantlives.We must press on, however, toward a goal notonly of more and better jobs but of fullopportunity for every American, and of what we are striving so hard rightnowto achieve prosperitywithout inflation.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page3AmericanRhetoric.comFor more than a quarter of a century in public life, Ihave sharedinthe turbulenthistory ofthis evening.Ihave fought for what I believe in. Ihave tried,tothe best of my ability, todischarge those duties and meet those responsibilities that were entrusted tome. SometimesI have succeeded. And sometimes Ihave failed.But always Ihave taken heart from whatTheodore Roosevelt once said aboutthe maninthe arena, whose face is marred by dust andsweat and blood, who strives valiantly, whoerrs and comes short again and again becausethere is not effort withouterror and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed,who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthycause, who atthe bestknows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and withtheworstif he fails, atleastfails while daring greatly.I pledge to youtonightthat as long as I have a breath of life in my body, Ishall continue inthat spirit. Ishall continue to work for the greatcauses to whichIhave been dedicatedthroughout my years as a Congressman, aSenator, Vice President and President, the cause ofpeace notjustfor America but among allnations prosperity,justice and opportunity forall of our people.There is one cause above all to which I have been devoted and to which I shall always bedevoted for as long as Ilive.When Ifirst took the oath of office as Presidentfive and a half years ago, Imadethis sacredcommitment: to consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon tothecause of peace among nations. Ive done my very bestin allthe days since to be true tothatpledge.As a result of these efforts, I am confident that the world is a safer place today, notonly for the people of America but for the people of allnations, and that all of our childrenhave a better chance than before of living in peace rather than dying in war.This, more than anything, is what Ihopedto achieve when I soughtthe Presidency.This, more than anything, is what Ihope will bemy legacy to you, to our country, as Ileavethe Presidency.To have served in this office is tohave felt a very personal sense of kinship with each andevery American.Inleaving it, I doso with this prayer: May Gods grace be with youin allthe days ahead. /201205/182143 201105/134402福州人工受精罗源县去那输卵管通水

南平治输卵管积水哪家医院最好
福州博爱医院查激素多少钱
福州输精管接通那里比较好国际信息
福州做B超最好的三甲医院
咨询新闻宁德疏通输卵管多少钱
福建检查不孕要多少钱
福建男性生育检查需要多少钱
福州市无精症去哪比较好知道常识福建备孕体检哪家医院好
康优惠龙岩哪家医院检查不育排名典范
(责任编辑:图王)
 
五大发展理念

龙江会客厅

福州市一人民医院检查排卵费用
闽清县孕前检查去哪好 龙岩测卵泡什么医院好安对话 [详细]
龙岩去哪里试管生儿子
宁德去哪间医院做人工受精 宁德去那腹腔镜手术 [详细]
福州哪个医院宫腹腔镜比较好
福州微创复通术费用怎么样 康中文晋安区做人流哪里比较好导医大全 [详细]
龙岩做试管要多少钱
健卫生福州做支原体检查医院排名 福州博爱医院精子检查费用爱问资讯福州市一院人工受孕好不好 [详细]