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海盐自体脂肪填充多少钱嘉兴曙光医疗医院激光祛痘手术多少钱嘉善县职工医院纹眉毛多少钱 秀洲区玻尿酸隆鼻多少钱

嘉兴曙光医院做双眼皮开眼角多少钱桐乡市妇幼保健院激光除皱多少钱 We are also heavily engaged in preparations for the Paris Conference next week. That will take place a week today on the first of September. It will be chaired by the Prime Minister and by President Sarkozy. Ive been discussing the arrangements for that with the French Foreign Minister Alain Juppe since the two nations will chair it together. We are both heavily involved in the preparations.我们被委以重任,为下周在巴黎举行的利比亚重建国际会议做准备。会议将于9月1日开始,为期一个星期。这次会议将由英国首相和法国总统主持。我已经同法国外交部部长阿兰·朱佩商议过会议安排问题,毕竟这是由两国共同主持的会议。我们正积极参与准备工作。 And this will be an opportunity for the National Transitional Council to set out their plans for the free demoncratic and inclusive future for Libya and for other nations including nations that have not been involved in the military action in Libya and not been part of the contact group to take part and to come together to help the Libyan people build their own better future.而且这也给国家过渡委员提供了一次机会来着手实现自由、民主的计划,为利比亚及其他国家商定一个更具包容性的未来。这些国家包括没有对利比亚采取军事行动的国家,包括没有参与联络工作的国家,包括团结起来帮助利比亚建设更美好未来的国家。So we have made enormous progress in recent days and that progress continues diplomatically and of course on the ground in Libya. But it is not over yet. Its important to recognize that a lot of hard work remains. But of course we are very pleased with the progress made, with the diplomatic work now underway and we will continue that intensively over the coming days and weeks.近些天在利比亚领土上,我们取得了巨大进步,在外交上还将取得更多进步。最重要的是要意识到未来的任务还很艰巨。当然,我们对已经取得的进步感到高兴,外交工作还在继续,未来几周我们会并肩作战。本文译文属201206/187795浙江嘉兴激光祛痘效果

桐乡隆胸多少钱Books and Arts; Opera Review; Damon Albarn’s new opera;文艺;歌剧;戴蒙·亚邦的新音乐剧;Star light, star bright;A meditation on England;星光灿烂;英格兰的冥想;In 1572 a new star blazed through the sky. It was a cataclysmic event for scholars, who believed at the time that the universe was unchanging. From his home in Mortlake, now in the London borough of Richmond upon Thames, John Dee gazed up through the still untainted night as his certainties slipped away.1572年天空中出现了一颗闪烁的新星。这对于当时那些认为宇宙是永恒不变的学者来说是一场灾难性的事情。约翰迪伊过去住在特雷克,现在住在泰晤士河畔里士满区。无论他住在哪里,都会举首凝望那仍然纯净无暇的夜空,而他所确信的观点也渐渐有所动摇。 Cartographer, cryptographer, mathematician, astronomer, astrologer and imperialist (he came up with the idea of a “British empire”), Dee was a trusted adviser to Queen Elizabeth I, even setting the date for her coronation. The appearance of the star was a pivotal moment in his life. It is also the turning point in “Dr Dee”, a new opera composed by Damon Albarn, frontman of the British pop bands Blur and Gorillaz. Dee’s desire to “know what was knowable in the world”, spurred by that star, leads him to occultism and, ultimately, to his downfall. Science was not so far from magic.约翰迪伊是一位地图绘制者、密码破解者、数学家、天文学家、占星学家、帝国主义者(“大英帝国”一词就是他提出的),他还是深受女王伊丽莎白一世信赖的顾问,连她加冕的日期都是他挑选的。这颗星星的出现是他人生中关键的时刻,也是“迪伊士”中的转折点。“迪伊士”是一部由英国摇滚乐队布勒和街头霸王的主唱戴蒙亚邦推出的新音乐剧。迪伊的愿望是“通晓世界上一切可知的事物”,正是那颗星星促使并引领他走向神秘学的道路不过最终也导致他的垮台。科学和魔法仅仅一步之遥。“Dr Dee” was commissioned by the Manchester International Festival, where it had its première last year, as well as the English National Opera, where it runs until July 7th, and the London 2012 Festival, of which it is part. First “cooked up” over eight weeks, “Dr Dee” has been polished since. The result is a spectacular production that combines Mr Albarn’s haunting music with dramatic staging and mesmerising .“迪伊士”这部音乐剧去年在曼彻斯特国际音乐节上进行了首次公演,并在英国国家剧院一直上演到七月七日,还是伦敦2012年文化节的组成部分。其首次“计划公演期”超过八周,“迪伊士”也因此而大放异。结果产生了一部精的作品,它把亚邦先生那萦绕心头的音乐与激动人心的演出风格以及令人着迷的视觉效果融合在了一起。The notion of Englishness, and what has become of it, is at the heart of “Dr Dee”. The opera looks almost longingly at an age before England had reached its peak. The production sees a magnificent Queen Elizabeth I float above her realm (pictured). A great fleet flying the flag of St George sails across the stage. But “Dr Dee” does not dwell on these days of glory. Instead, it considers Dee from a 21st-century perspective. Mr Albarn and his troupe of musicians sit suspended above the proceedings, observing everything from the vantage of what Rufus Norris, the director, calls “a nation in decline”. This fine opera is both a celebration of England and a lament for a nation whose star is on the wane.英伦风的概念,以及其演变过程正是“迪伊士”的核心所在。在英格兰到达鼎盛时期之前,这部歌剧看起来几乎令人无比神往。从作品中可以看到衣着华贵的女王伊丽莎白一世漂浮在她的领土之上(见图)。挂着圣乔治旗帜的庞大舰队横渡舞台。不过“迪伊士”音乐剧并没有局限于这些荣耀的年代。相反,它是从21世纪的眼光角度审视迪伊这个人。亚邦先生和他的音乐剧团俯视整个进程并且从导演鲁夫斯诺里斯称作“正在衰败的民族”的角度来看待每一件事。这部精的音乐剧既是英国的歌颂,又是对一个国家的星光逐渐黯淡的挽歌。201207/189166 Obituary;Richard Holbrooke;讣告;理查德·霍尔布鲁克;Richard Holbrooke, diplomat and troubleshooter, died on December 13th, aged 69.外交家和纠纷调解专家理查德·霍尔布鲁克,于12月13日去世,享年69岁。HIS favourite book was Herman Melvilles “Moby-Dick”, and it was pretty clear why. He cited Ishmaels confession near the beginning of his memoir of the 1995 Bosnian peace talks, “To End a War”: “as for me, I am tormented with an everlasting itch for things remote. I love to sail forbidden seas, and land on barbarous coasts.” For Richard Holbrooke the remote, the forbidden and the barbarous were as likely to be found at negotiating tables, in cold hotel rooms, or in windowless government offices where men and women struggled to sort out the world, while he banged heads.他最喜爱的书是赫尔曼·梅尔维尔的《白鲸记》,而且原因也非常明了。他在关于1995年波斯尼亚和谈的回忆录的开头就引用了伊希梅尔的自白,“结束战争”:“对我来说,我对遥远的事物有一种不断的渴望,这一直使我备受折磨。我喜欢在禁海上航行,喜欢踏上原始海岸。”对理查德·霍尔布鲁克而言,这种遥远,禁止和原始很有可能在谈判桌上,在冰冷的宾馆房间里,或者在没有窗户的政府办公室里找到,在这些地方人们都努力理清头绪,而他则猛敲脑袋。He liked Matthew Arnold, too, and again recognised that “thirst to spend our fire and restless force/In tracking out our true, original course”. He tracked his own course through history, more than 40 years at the sharp edge of American foreign policy, working for every Democratic president since John Kennedy: a big, burly actor in his own play, glaring through wire-rimmed glasses or barking into his phone. A crowd of “close friends” eddied round him, all of whom could be nudged, flattered, tricked, and in the end—when the blue eyes hardened and the cheeks puffed out—pushed into doing what he wanted. A bastard, a bully, a bulldozer, an egoist, but also a charmer, full of heart and fun, a great guy to have dinner with, even when—as at Pamela Harrimans in Paris in August 1995—he would get up eight or nine times from the table to take telephone calls, radiating happy self-importance.他也很喜欢马修·阿诺德,而且再次认识到“对运用我们和不安份力量的渴望;对我们内心真实和最初目标的追寻。”在美国外交政策方面工作了40多年,为自肯尼迪总统之后的历届民主党总统工作过,透过这些历史他追寻着自己的最初目标:在自己游戏中的一个高大,直率的演员,总是以他那镶有金属丝边的眼镜或者对着电话的大吼而引人注目。一群“密友”都围绕在他周围,但是当他硬下心肠,不讲面子的时候,他就会恭维,设计这些“密友”,甚至向他们动手,最后还能让他们按自己的要求做事。他就是一个混蛋,一个无赖,一个恶霸,一个以自我为中心的人,但是同时,他也是一个有魅力的人,极富爱心,充满幽默感,是在一起吃饭的合适人选,甚至1995在帕米拉·哈里曼巴黎的家里,他也会从桌边站起来8,9次去接电话,无时不刻不在显示着自己的重要。Those calls were to organise NATO air strikes on the Bosnian Serb positions round Sarajevo. NATO was meant to operate as a collective; but in the face of the Wests craven failure to end the Bosnian war, Mr Holbrooke had more or less singlehandedly decided to play hardball with the Serbs. If they would not make concessions at the table, they would have to be beaten on the ground. He made dramatic appeals to Washington to give him “bombs for peace”. The pleas succeeded.那些电话是在组织北约对萨拉热窝周围波斯尼亚人和塞尔维亚人聚点的空袭。北约是整体行动的,但是面对韦斯特懦弱地试图结束波斯尼亚战争的不成功,霍尔布鲁克几乎就是单独决定对塞尔维亚人要强硬。如果在谈判桌上谈不拢,那么就必须给他们点颜色看看。他强烈地请求华盛顿同意他“用炸弹换和平”的方案,他做到了。The Dayton peace accords, signed that December, sealed Mr Holbrookes fame as a diplomat. Signs of his balance and realism were everywhere, for example his insistence that the new Bosnia, despite including a Serbian republic, should be a properly multi-ethnic state. Recalling first-hand the 1968 Vietnam peace talks in Paris, held up for two months over how to seat the Vietcong, he demanded a table that would seat nine people only, not including the Bosnian Serbs. The only Serb he would deal with was Slobodan Milosevic, a “thug” he tolerated because he could be a thug himself. It was surely not immoral to talk, walk in the woods, down a pear brandy or two together, if it saved lives. As it turned out, he saved many thousands.那年12月份签署的代顿和平协议使作为外交官的霍尔布鲁克声名鹊起。他很现实也很会平衡各方利益,例如,他坚持新的波斯尼亚应该是一个多民族的国家,尽管已经有了塞尔维亚共和国。1968年在巴黎举行的越南和谈会议用了两个多月时间讨论怎样对待越共,一回想起这个,他就要求要举行一个不包括波斯尼亚人和塞尔维亚人的谈判会议。他唯一愿意打交道的塞尔维亚人是斯洛丹·米洛舍维奇,他能够容忍这个“暴徒”是因为他自己本人也可能是一个暴徒。在树林里谈话,散步,喝下一两瓶梨白兰地酒,这些当然不是不道德的,如果这些能够拯救无数生命的话。结果明,他确实拯救了很多人。In Dayton and everywhere else he was a hard taskmaster, but this was no more than he demanded of himself: shuttling to and fro between continents, staying up sleepless to a book or to watch “Theres Something About Mary” for the fifth time. When he was given a job he did it fast, on his own terms (he was not Mr Obamas “envoy” to Afghanistan and Pakistan, too elegant a word, but his “special representative”, a much wider-ranging brief). And he expected short, direct lines of communication. As early as 1970, in a piece for the first issue of Foreign Policy (a magazine he edited from 1972 to 1977, during a Republican lull), he lamented the mushroom growth of the State Department, where internal communications were becoming “ever more time-consuming, less intelligible and less controllable”. He thus predicted four decades early the age of Wikileaks, though Wikileaks might well have doomed his tactics in Bosnia.在代顿以及其他任何地方,他都是一名很难相处的领导,但是这仅仅是他对自己的要求:来回的在各大洲之间穿梭,熬夜不停地看一本书或者看第五遍我为玛丽狂。每接到一个工作,他都会很快完成,用他自己的话说(他不是奥巴马总统的阿富汗和巴基斯坦“特使”,这个词太文雅了,而是他的“特别代表”,这个词范围更广)。而且他喜欢简短直接的交流。早在1970年,外交政策(他1972年-1977年在共和党竞选期间编辑的一本杂志)第一期的一段中,他为国家部门的迅速增长感到悲哀,在这样的部门中,内部交流都变得“更浪费时间,更难理解,更难控制”。因此,他早在40年前就预言了维基泄密事件的发生,尽管维基泄密可能使他对波斯尼亚的战略趋于毁灭。The impossible pursuit 不可能的追求 Kennedys “ask what you can do for your country” had first got him into the foreign service, in the Mekong Delta in 1963, where he handed out cooking oil and thatching straw in a fruitless attempt to win the Vietnamese to Americas side. Like the journalist he had meant to be, before the New York Times turned him down, he always tried to talk to locals. In Pakistan he would squeeze his big frame into refugees tents in Swat, as relaxed as if he were cruising a Washington cocktail party, to listen to the misery of ordinary, frightened folk.1963年在湄公河三角洲,他做了一些无用的尝试,向越南人分发食用油和盖房用的稻草,想以此来争取他们对美国的持,这时,肯尼迪总统“你能为你的国家做些什么”这句话,让他义无返顾的步入了外交事业之中。他像一名记者一样—他本可以成为一名记者的,纽约时报拒绝了他—-总是试着和当地人交谈。在巴基斯坦,他会以庞大的身躯用力挤进难民营—就像华盛顿的鸡尾酒晚会上在散步一样放松—-来听取普通人和受惊平民的苦难。To himself and to others he seemed a natural for secretary of state, but never made it; presidents minds were set elsewhere. In the Obama foreign-policy cabal he sat awkwardly, a New Yorker rather than a Chicagoan, and a weary-seeming holdover from ancient Democratic regimes. His bluntness played badly in Kabul, where Hamid Karzai sometimes refused to talk or eat with him.在自己和他人看来,他似乎是国务卿的最佳人选,但是他始终没有成功;不知道总统们是怎么想的。在奥巴玛的外交政策集团中他混的很艰难,他是纽约人而不是芝加哥人,他似乎是旧民主党体制中一个让人讨厌的,而又长期占据这个职位的老顽固。在喀布尔,他的直言不讳可一点也不吃香,哈米德·卡尔扎伊有时拒绝跟他交谈和吃饭。He always insisted that Vietnam no longer haunted him, though the similarities with Afghanistan were inescapable, not least a crushing sense of the limits of American power. Mr Holbrooke, however, still believed that America was the worlds problem-solver, and that with “all its will and all its strength” it could put the most benighted spots to rights. Even the Afghan war, perhaps, could be turned round. And so, like Ishmael, he charged boldly on:他一直坚称越南不再是他关心的了,但是在阿富汗同样的情况中,他是逃不掉的,尤其是切实感觉到美国实力的限制。然而,霍尔布鲁克仍然相信美国是世界的问题解决者,以“其意愿和实力”,美国能解决最难解决的问题。甚至连阿富汗战争,可能也能挽回。因此,他像伊希梅尔一样大胆地指责:and in the wild conceits that swayed me to my purpose, two and two there floated into my inmost soul, endless processions of the whale, and, mid most of them all, one grand hooded phantom, like a snow hill in the air.在动摇我观点的疯狂的自以为是中,两只,两只,无数的鲸鱼漂进了我的灵魂最深处,在他们大多数中间都有一只带着面罩的大幽灵,就像空中的一座雪山。 /201212/211871桐乡做鼻尖整形多少钱嘉兴去胎记多少钱



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