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金华市人民医院瘦腿针多少钱养心互动浙江省妇幼医院激光去黄褐斑多少钱

来源:69常识    发布时间:2019年05月23日 03:29:08    编辑:admin         

What is in a word? When it is packed with as much moral zeal as “meritocracy”, the answer is a lot. A meritocrat owes his success to effort and talent. Luck has nothing to do with it — or so he tells himself. He shares his view with everyone else, including those too slow or indolent to follow his example. Things only go wrong when the others dispute it.一个词里包含什么?如果这个词充斥着和“精英统治”一样多的道德热情,是包含很多。一名精英会将自己的成功归因于努力和天分。他的成功和运气毫无关系——或者他是这样告诉自己的。他与其他所有人分享他的观点,包括那些太迟钝或者太懒惰以至于无法效仿他的人。只是当其他人提出异议时,问题就出现了。Now magnify that to a nation of 320m people — one that prides itself on being a meritocracy. Imagine that between a half and two-thirds of its people, depending on how the question is framed, disagree. They believe the system’s divisions are self-perpetuating. They used not to think that way.现在,把这种情况放大到一个拥有3.2亿人口的国家——一个以实行精英统治而自豪的国家。想象一下,根据问题的表达方式不同,有一半到三分之二的人表示异议。他们现在相信,体系的分化是自我持续的。他们过去并不这么想。Imagine, also, that the meritocrats are too enamoured of their just rewards to see it. The fact that they are split — one group calling itself Democratic, the other Republican — is detail. They are two sides of a debased coin. Sooner or later something will give.再想象一下,精英们太过醉心于自己得到的合理回报,因而并没有看到这一点。他们分裂成两个集团——一个自称民主党,另一个自称共和党,这个事实只是细枝末节。他们是同一块劣质硬币的两面。迟早会出事。An exaggeration? Financial Times ers might be inclined to think so. The fact that Donald Trump has completed a hostile takeover of one of those groups — the Republicans — is a shock to everyone, including, I suspect, the property billionaire himself. The rest should not be a surprise.夸张吗?英国《金融时报》的读者可能倾向于这么认为。唐纳德#8226;特朗普(Donald Trump)完成了对其中一个集团——共和党——的“敌意收购”,这让所有人都感到震惊,我怀疑也包括这位地产亿万富翁本人在内。事情的其他部分就不应令人惊讶了。Since the late 1960s both parties, in different ways, have turned a blind eye to the economic interests of the middle class. In 1972 the McGovern-Fraser Commission revamped the Democratic party’s rules for selecting its nominee after the disastrous 1968 convention in Chicago. The overhaul changed the party’s course. It included obligatory seats for women, ethnic minorities and young people — but left out working males altogether. “We aren’t going to let these Camelot Harvard-Berkeley types take over our party,” said the head of the AFL-CIO, the largest American union federation. That is precisely what happened. Democrats cemented the shift from a class-based party to an ethnic coalition by enshrining affirmative action for non-whites. Getting a leg up to university, the ultimate meritocratic vehicle, was based on your skin colour rather than your economic situation.自上世纪60年代末以来,两党以不同的方式对中产阶层的经济利益视而不见。在1968年在芝加哥举办的灾难性民主党代表大会后,1972年,麦戈文-弗雷泽委员会(McGovern-Fraser Commission)修改了民主党选择被提名人的规则。这次彻底改革改变了该党的方针。该规则规定必须为女性、少数族裔和年轻人提供一些席位——却完全忽略了工薪阶层的男性。“我们不会让这些高高在上的哈佛(Harvard)-伯克利(Berkeley)人掌控我们的党,”美国最大的工会联合会美国劳工联合会-产业工会联合会(AFL-CIO)的负责人说。而这恰恰发生了。通过把针对非白人的平权行动奉为圭臬,民主党加强了从基于阶层的党派到种族联盟的转变。大学是成为精英的终极手段,申请大学时的优势不是基于你的经济状况,而是基于你的肤色。Unsurprisingly, swaths of the white middle class turned Republican. Forty years on, many Democrats, not least Bernie Sanders’ supporters, are suffering buyer’s remorse. Before he became president, Barack Obama argued it would be fairer to base affirmative action on income not colour. “My daughters should probably be treated by any admissions officer as folks who are pretty advantaged,” he said.毫不奇怪,大批美国白人中产阶层转向了共和党。40年后的今天,很多民主党人,尤其是伯尼#8226;桑德斯(Bernie Sanders)的持者们,都感到了一种“买家的懊悔”。在当选总统前,巴拉克#8226;奥巴马(Barack Obama)表示,基于收入而非肤色来实施平权行动更为公平。“我的女儿们或许应该被任何招生人员视为相当有优势的人,”他说。Last week it was announced that Malia Obama had been accepted into Harvard, her father’s alma mater. About a third of legacy applicants, those whose parent attended, are accepted into Harvard. No one suggests she is not deserving of her place. However, there are plenty of lower-income black and white children who do not benefit from the advantages Malia Obama or Chelsea Clinton (Stanford and Oxford) had from birth.上周,据悉马莉娅#8226;奥巴马(Malia Obama)被哈佛——她父亲的母校录取。那些父母曾就读哈佛的申请者中,有三分之一的人也被哈佛录取。没人说马莉娅#8226;奥巴马不够格被录取。然而,有很多低收入的黑人孩子和白人孩子不享有她或者切尔西#8226;克林顿(Chelsea Clinton)(就读于斯坦福大学(Stanford)和牛津大学(Oxford))与生俱来的优势。The US labour market remains impressively meritocratic. But what happens to a worker in the 25 years before he or she enters it is anything but. Hence the term “hereditary meritocracy”. Richard Reeves of the Brookings Institution calls them “dream hoarders”.美国劳动力市场仍然非常举人唯贤。但劳动者在进入劳动力市场之前的25年中的经历绝非如此。因此,就出现了“世袭精英制”这个术语。布鲁金斯学会(Brookings Institution)的理查德#8226;里夫斯(Richard Reeves)把他们称为“囤梦者”。Judged by aptitude, almost half those in America’s top two-fifths income bracket are there because of the luck of family background. Think of the value of those unpaid internships. A big share of those in the bottom fifth would be in the top if they had the same life chances.从天资来判断,处于美国收入水平前五分之二的人中近半都是因为家族背景才有幸拥有这样的收入。想想那些无薪实习劳动的价值。如果在生活中拥有同样的机会,处于收入水平最底端五分之一的人中有很大一部分人本该进入最高收入阶层。Middle-class whites derived no greater benefit from voting Republican. For years strategists such as Karl Rove played on cultural fears — often stoking racial resentment — to galvanise the vote.中产阶级白人没有从持共和党中得到太大好处。多年来,卡尔#8226;罗夫(Karl Rove)这样的谋划高手利用文化担忧——通常会煽动种族仇恨——来刺激中产阶级投票。Once in office, Republicans pursued tax cuts for the rich. Ignored by both parties and disproportionately hit by the downsides of globalisation, blue-collar whites fell into depression. For the first time, life expectancy among American whites is falling.一旦上台,共和党便为富人谋求减税。被两党忽视的蓝领白人受到了全球化负面影响的极大冲击,陷入困境。美国白人群体的预期寿命首次出现下滑。To add insult to injury, poor whites alone are still fair game for ridicule. They are excluded from the rules of political correctness. This is the demographic that eats itself into obesity in front of bad TV — reality shows such as The Apprentice, which brought Mr Trump into their lives. Here was a man who spoke his mind and fired people. He may have been a schmuck but he was an open book. “I love the poorly educated,” he said after one primary victory. Mr Trump knows his market.雪上加霜的是,只有贫困白人仍然是可被嘲笑的对象。他们被政治正确性的规则排除在外。该群体看着糟糕的电视节目——把特朗普带入他们生活的《学徒》(The Apprentice)这样的真人秀——从自己的窘境中取乐。节目中,特朗普会直言自己的想法,也会炒人鱿鱼。他或许曾经是一个笨蛋,但他就像一本摊开的书一样。“我爱受教育程度低的人,”他在一次初选胜利后表示。特朗普知道自己的市场所在。Which brings us back to that supercharged word. Michael Young, the British sociologist who coined it in his 1958 book, The Rise of the Meritocracy, would feel vindicated. Though the term soon lost its irony, Young meant it as a satire on the imagined ruling classes of the future. Meritocratic elites “can be insufferably smug”, he said in a 2001 critique of Prime Minister Tony Blair’s misuse of the word. The rest, meanwhile, “can easily become demoralised by being looked down on so woundingly by people who have done well for themselves”.这把我们带回到那个超带劲的词。英国社会学家迈克尔#8226;杨(Michael Young)在其1958年出版的著作《精英统治的崛起》(The Rise of the Meritocracy)中发明了这个词,他会认为自己是无辜的。杨发明这个词的原意是讽刺那些想象中的未来统治阶级,尽管这个词很快失去了讽刺意味。他在2001年批评时任英国首相托尼#8226;布莱尔(Tony Blair)错误地使用该词时表示,精英统治中的精英“可能自以为是得令人无法忍受”。与此同时,其他人“可能很容易会因为被那些飞黄腾达之人以一种伤人的方式看不起而意志消沉”。Young forecast his meritocracy would break down by 2033. The chances are it will survive 2016. Hillary Clinton, this year’s meritocratic standard-bearer, looks likely to win in November. But polls say Mr Trump would win a clear majority of the white vote. Think about that. Mr Trump is the president white America wants. It is hard to believe it would be on merit.杨预测,精英统治会在2033年之前瓦解。它很有可能会撑过2016年。今年精英统治的旗手希拉里#8226;克林顿(Hillary Clinton),似乎可能会在11月赢得大选。但是,民调显示,特朗普将赢得明显多数的白人选票。想一想这个问题。特朗普是美国白人所希望的总统。很难相信这是因为他的贤能。 /201605/442987。

GYEONGJU, South Korea — She spends hours a day watching the Japanese broadcaster NHK. Her bedside table is stacked with Japanese magazines and figurines in kimonos. The walls bear pictures of Mount Fuji.韩国庆州——她一天花数个小时观看日本电视台NHK。床头柜上堆放着日文杂志和身着和的小雕像。墙上挂着描绘富士山的图画。Shizue Katsura, 96, is among 19 Japanese women who are spending their final days in an unlikely place: a nursing home in South Korea, where lingering anti-Japanese sentiment has helped keep the women in obscurity.现年96岁的香贯静枝(Shizue Katsura,音)是在一个出人意料的地方度过人生最后时光的19名日本妇女之一:一家韩国疗养院。在那里,徘徊不去的反日情绪令这些妇女一直无人问津。“There is no use looking back on my life,” Katsura said. “Home is where you are living. Japan is a foreign country to me.”“回顾过去是没有用的,”香贯说。“你生活的地方就是你的家。日本对我来说就是异国。”Thousands of Japanese women like Katsura married Korean men during Japan’s colonial rule, which lasted from 1910 to 1945. When World War II ended and Korea was liberated, many stayed with their husbands in Korea, while others fled back to Japan, fearing violence from those looking to avenge the brutal colonial rule.在1910至1945年的日本殖民统治时期,有成千上万的日本女人嫁给了韩国男人,香贯是其中之一。随着第二次世界大战结束,朝鲜半岛获得解放,她们中有许多跟随丈夫留在了朝鲜半岛,有些则逃回了日本。后者担心,想报复残酷殖民统治的人会对她们动用暴力。Or, as in Katsura’s case, they followed their husbands from Japan to Korea.还有一些人和香贯一样,跟随丈夫从日本来到朝鲜半岛。Once in Korea, these women often discovered that their husbands’ families had found them Korean spouses in their absence. Many also lost their husbands during the Korean War, which lasted from 1950 until 1953.一旦来到朝鲜半岛,这些女性往往发现丈夫的家庭在他们离开期间已经为他们找好了本国配偶。也有不少人在1950年至1953年的朝鲜战争期间失去了丈夫。By the time many tried to return to Japan, it was too late. Japan and South Korea did not re-establish ties until 1965, and, even then, some of the women had no relatives to sponsor their return and resettlement.及至很多人试图返回日本,已经太晚。直到1965年,日本和韩国才重建外交关系,而即便在那时,有些女性也没有亲戚可以资助她们返回日本,在家乡重新安顿下来。Emotions run high when South Koreans talk about their country’s historical disputes with Japan, especially the enslavement of Korean “comfort women” in front-line brothels for Japan’s Imperial Army during World War II. But society has paid little attention to these Japanese women, some of whom were abandoned by their families in both countries and had to live with neither a Korean nor a Japanese passport.谈及本国与日本的历史争端,尤其是二战期间韩国“慰安妇”在前线的军妓所里被日本帝国陆军奴役的历史,韩国人往往情绪激动。但社会很少关注这些日本妇女。她们有些被自己在两国的家人同时抛弃,必须在既没有韩国护照也没有日本护照的情况下生活。“When they arrive here, they all have made-up Korean names,” said Song Mi-ho, head of the nursing home, Nazarewon, which takes its name from the biblical Nazareth. “One of the first things we do is to call them by their Japanese names. When this happens, they are in tears, as if they are getting their life, their identity, back.“来到这里时,她们都有编造的韩文名字,”疗养院负责人宋美河(Song Mi-ho,音)说。这家疗养院名叫“拿撒勒”院(Nazarewon),取自圣经。“我们首先做的一件事就是用她们的日文名字称呼她们。当时她们流下了眼泪,就好像找回了自己的生活和身份。”“Once we give their real names back, it’s amazing how quickly they regain their Japaneseness, the decorum, the way they fold their hands before them when they greet others,” Song said.“一旦获得了原先的真名,她们恢复自己日本特性和礼仪的速度是非常惊人的,比如向其他人打招呼时双手交叠在胸前的方式,”宋美河说。While sitting in a wheelchair, Katsura perked up when telling a visitor how she met a “kindly” Korean man more than seven decades earlier, when they worked in a power station in her hometown, Ebetsu, near Sapporo in northern Japan.在向访客讲述自己如何在逾70年前认识了一名“和善的”韩国男子时,坐在轮椅里的香贯瞬间活跃起来。当时他们都在位于她的家乡的一座发电厂工作,那是日本北部离札幌不远的江别市。But she became taciturn when asked about her life in South Korea.但是在被问到她在韩国的生活时,香贯变得沉默起来。Her husband died of alcoholism decades earlier, she said. She once raised tobacco and livestock in southwestern South Korea, and then sold vegetables in the capital, Seoul, before failing health forced her to move into the nursing home nine years ago.她说丈夫在几十年前死于酒精中毒。她曾在韩国西南部种植烟叶、养殖牲畜,后来到首都首尔卖菜。九年前,因为健康状况恶化,她不得不住进了这家疗养院。“My son, he died early,” she said, declining to elaborate.“我儿子很早就死了,”她说,不愿讲述详细的情况。A South Korean philanthropist named Kim Yong-sung was operating orphanages in Gyeongju in southeastern South Korea when he traveled to Japan and saw what looked like Korean women protesting in front of the Japanese emperor’s palace. They turned out to be Japanese women with South Korean passports demanding that Japan help them regain their citizenship and return home.韩国慈善家金永成(Kim Yong-sung,音)在该国东南部的庆州开设了数家孤儿院。有一次,他在日本看到样貌像是韩国人的女性在日本皇宫前举行抗议活动。后来才知道,她们其实是持韩国护照的日本妇女,在要求日本帮助她们重新获得日本公民身份,以便返回家园。Kim opened Nazarewon in 1972 as a way station for these women, providing them with lodging, as well as legal and financial aid. A total of 147 returned home through Nazarewon, the last one in 1984.到了1972年,金永成设立拿撒勒院,作为这些妇女停驻的小站,给她们提供住宿,以及法律和财务援助。总计有147人通过拿撒勒院返回了日本,最后一名是在1984年。Nazarewon has since become a nursing home for women who either could not or did not want to return to Japan and had no family support.之后,拿撒勒院成为疗养所,收留的女性要么不能或不想返回日本,要么缺乏家庭持。After 70 years in South Korea, some women preferred living here to ending up at a nursing home in Japan. “They like umeboshi,” Song said, referring to the ubiquitous Japanese dish of pickled plums. “But they can do without it, but not without the Korean kimchi.”在韩国居住70年后,一些人宁愿在这里生活,也不愿在日本的一家疗养院了却余生。“她们喜欢吃梅干,”宋美河说。这是日本的一种常见食物,为腌制的梅子。“只不过,没有梅干她们也可以过活,而没有韩国泡菜她们就受不了。”More than 80 women have died at Nazarewon during the past 35 years. The average age of the 19 current residents is 92. Many suffer from Alzheimer’s disease and were not available for interviews.在过去的35年里,有超过80人在拿撒勒院离世。目前这19名居民的平均年龄为92岁。其中有不少患有阿尔茨海默病,无法接受采访。The nursing home’s existence rankles some South Koreans.这家疗养院的存在令一些韩国人耿耿于怀。“I still get angry calls, asking: ‘What do you think you are doing? Don’t you know what the Japanese did to our comfort women?#39;” Song said. “I hope what we do here will, in its small and silent way, help heal the ties between the two nations.”“我还会接到一些愤怒的来电,质问:‘你觉得自己在干什么?你不知道日本人对我们国家的慰安妇做了些什么吗?’”宋美河说。“我希望我们在这里做的事,可以用它微小而无声的方式,帮助弥合两国之间的裂痕。”On a recent afternoon, Nazarewon was shrouded in silence. Women sat motionlessly in wheelchairs, gazing at NHK on a large screen. A few played a card game, counting their scores in Japanese but otherwise speaking Korean. Azaleas blossomed in the front yard.不久前的一个下午,拿撒勒院沉浸在一片寂静之中。老人们一动不动地坐在轮椅里,盯着大屏幕上播放的NHK台。有几人在玩纸牌,用日语计算她们的分数,讲其他话的时候则用韩语。前院里,杜鹃花正在盛放。“I don’t know anything about politics,” said Katsura, who declined to discuss Korean-Japanese relations. “What I do know is that if you do well to others, they will do well to you, too. That’s true between people, between nations.”“我对政治一无所知,”香贯说。她拒绝讨论韩日关系。“我知道的是,如果你对别人好,他们也会对你好。不管是人与人之间,还是国家与国家之间,都是这样。” /201606/448272。

News sp quickly through the literary world: Nigerian novelist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, winner of a 2008 MacArthur “genius” grant, had given birth to a baby girl. But the growing public attention didn’t focus on the fact of the birth – that was material better left to the *tabloids – but on the manner in which the announcement was given. Adichie, in fact, hadn’t actually announced it at all.近来,一个消息在文学界传开了:尼日利亚小说家、2008年麦克阿瑟天才奖获得者奇麻曼达#8226;阿迪契生了个女孩儿。然而,公众的关注点并不在她产女的消息上——这种事或许小报才关心——而是她如何公开这个消息。事实上,阿迪契从未真正公开过这个消息。Instead, she casually let it slip during an interview with the Financial Times’ David Pilling, over a lunch of *jollof rice, curry and steamed greens. As Pilling recounts in an article published late last month, Adichie ordered a non-alcoholic cocktail, offering a simple explanation: “I’m *breastfeeding.”阿迪契只是在接受《金融时报》记者大卫#8226;帕琳采访时才轻描淡写地提到,他们当时正在一起享用辣椒炖鱼肉饭、咖喱蒸蔬菜的午餐。在上月末发表的一篇文章中,帕琳描述道,阿迪契点了一杯无酒精的鸡尾酒,随口解释道:“我正在哺乳期。”Pilling writes he took a moment to process the *revelation, before inquiring further. This spurred Adichie to explain why she chose to keep quiet. “I just feel like we live in an age when women are supposed to perform pregnancy. We don’t expect fathers to perform fatherhood,” she said. “I wanted it to be as personal as possible.”帕琳在文章中称,在进一步询问前,他花了些时间来消化这句话。这也促使阿迪契说明自己选择沉默的原因。“我只是觉得,我们生活在一个要求女性将怀公开的时代。然而父亲们却不必亮出自己为人父的身份,”她说到。“我想让怀变得尽可能地私人化。”The conversation doesn’t go much further, but her words raise the question of what it means to be pregnant today, in our hyper-connected society. Pregnant women have always born the weight of societal expectations – only now, one of those burdens has to do with the *spectacle of pregnancy.这场对话并没有进行太久,但是她的话却让人想到了一个问题:在如今这个信息高效传递的社会中,怀究竟意味着什么?怀的女性总是承受着社会的期待——而在今天,这些负担还和怀的公开有关。It’s hard to hide a growing belly, especially after four to five months or so, but now more than ever, a *fetus’s development has become a public event. Social media serves as a *catalogue for users’ life changes, and if mood swings and wardrobe updates qualify, pregnancy certainly fits the bill. To withhold such information would be treated as a betrayal by the social media audience, which has come to expect a degree of intimacy from the medium.我们很难藏住一个日渐隆起的腹部,尤其在四五个月后,但现在,胎儿的发育和以往任何时候相比,都成为了一个更为公开的事情。社交媒体就像是记录用户生活变化的一览表,如果情绪波动和衣柜更新都属于这个范畴,那么怀自然也不例外。对这些信息有所保留,将会被社交媒体的围观者们视为一种背叛。因为大家都希望能借此增加亲密感。The internet has shifted the very way we speak about pregnancy, just over the last decade and a half. Phrases like “baby *bump” and “bump watch” may be *ubiquitous online and in tabloids nowadays, but they were virtually nonexistent before the start of the new millennium.在过去的十五年间,互联网改变了我们谈论怀的方式。类似于“婴儿凸”和“相观察”这种词汇或许在今天的网络和小报中十分普遍,而事实上,它们在新千年之前还并不存在。Slate reporter Dvora Meyers traces “baby bump” back to 2002, when the tabloid Us Weekly started to use it to describe the midsections of pregnant celebrities. Jezebel’s Sadie Stein places the origins of “bump watch” not long after, in 2004, as the *paparazzi scanned the stomachs of celebrities for evidence of a developing child.《Slate》杂志记者德沃拉#8226;迈耶斯将“婴儿凸”这一说法追溯至2002年,当时小报《美国周刊》开始用这个词来形容怀名人的上腹部。Jezebel网站的莎蒂#8226;施泰因认为“相观察”一词首次出现在不久后的2004年,当时仔队仔细观察名人们的腹部,并以此作为怀的据。With so much emphasis on women’s *midriffs, it’s little wonder that the pregnancy photos online have become a series of headless portraits, the camera laser-focused on the expanding belly in question. This style of photo can seem dehumanizing: The woman stands in profile to give her growing belly maximum effect, but her face is usually cut off at the top of the frame. The fetus is given symbolic importance, not the mother-to-be.由于人们对女性上腹部如此关注,网上的照变成了一系列“无头肖像”也不足为奇,相机只关注人们热议的日益隆起的腹部。这样的照片似乎是缺乏人性的:女性侧身站在镜头前,她们隆起的腹部成为了最抢眼的部分,然而面部却往往被裁掉。胎儿被赋予了高度的象征意义,而准妈妈却被无视了。Performing pregnancy continues well after the baby is born. An equally modern phenomenon is the concept of the “post-baby body”: New mothers must race to *shed their pregnancy fat after conceiving, to return to their so-called “real” weight. It’s just one more pressure to add to a slate now filled with the day-to-day care of a newborn, and it’s little wonder Adichie wanted no part of it.怀消息公开这件事甚至在婴儿降生后还在继续。“后身材”也是个现代现象:新妈妈们必须快速地甩掉产后脂肪,回到所谓的“现实”体重。这是除了每天照顾新生儿以外的又一压力,也难怪阿迪契并不想公开怀生产的消息。 /201607/456964。